41
28 January 2008
Having encountered the ‘girl’ in a chatroom on the Faceparty.com website, Brian Pead added
‘her’ to his MSN contact list in order to smoke this person
out. Claiming to be a girl aged fourteen, this person had entered an adult
social networking website and was asking for money in return for sex. This had
immediately not made sense to Brian.
It was even more obvious to him as the conversation progressed that it
was not a fourteen-year-old girl at all. He looked at ‘her’ profile again. It
contained just one photograph – of someone looking about fourteen and dressed
in hockey kit. Again, this did not make sense because it was clear that the
poor quality photograph (it looked like a copy of a copy) had been cropped from
a team photograph so that just this one girl was visible. Other girls’
shoulders and hair could just be seen. Brian felt that this was extremely odd.
He had taught pupils for some twenty years by this stage. He had a very good
understanding of fourteen year old girls and boys. In respect of girls, he knew
that they liked to put up photographs which showed all their friends or
team-mates. He also knew that they liked to put up photos which showed many
aspects of their lives. And that you usually couldn’t shut them up!
Yet this profile contained only the one poor quality photograph and no
information at all about the ‘girl’. Instinctively, Brian knew this was odd.
Odd things always draw his attention.
His initial hypothesis when he encountered this person was that this
was not a girl. He was clear about that.
As they moved to MSN to chat there, he was determined to use all of
his counselling skills in order to smoke out this person. Although he felt it
was an adult, possibly with paedophilic tendencies, in order to exploit
teenagers by posing as a teenager, he suspended this hypothesis just as he
would with a real client in his counselling room.
Within two or three opening sentences of their conversation it became
obvious to him – despite having suspended his hypothesis – that this was not a
teenaged girl at all but an adult posing as one. There were a number of reasons
for this. Firstly, the person’s use of language did not match that of the
average fourteen-year-old. Brian had taught literally thousands of teenagers in
his twenty-five year career and he had a very good idea of the language skills
of the average teen – both boys and girls. Should the reader be minded to
undertake even the most basic research on the internet, such research would show
that by the age of fourteen, girls in general have a wider vocabulary than
boys.
Secondly, this ‘teen’ was omitting the use of vowels in the
conversation. As an author of nine books and with a first class honours degree
in English, Brian has a good understanding of linguistics and linguistic
devices. When he received speech therapy as a five-year-old after suffering the
trauma of sexual abuse in a children’s home, he had learnt a great deal about
speech patterns and words. He knew that many people, when texting or ‘speaking’
online, will often use a form of short-hand and omit occasional vowels or
consonants. However, this person was omitting almost all of the vowels and hardly any of the consonants. It was a
particularly strange use of language.
Thus, he had already formed an opinion that this person’s vocabulary
was not that of a teenager and that the ‘teenager’ was not actually writing as
a teenager. As a teacher, he had encountered thousands of teenagers and it was
clear to him that this was not.
But Brian did not jump to conclusions. His first book took him twenty
years to research – he is not a man usually given to rash judgments or hasty
decisions. He resolved to continue to investigate this person.
Another counselling skill that he was able to bring to bear was that
of transference and counter-transference. These can be difficult concepts to
even experienced counsellors, but Brian was conscious of them. He had been
praised for his understanding and use of transference and counter-transference
in his counselling work.
There were two main themes on the Advanced Diploma course he was
completing in March 2008: transference and counter-transference and psychosexual issues. There was a great
deal of reading around these subjects. Brian was fascinated by both themes.
From an early age, he had been part of groups in a children’s home, as a
manager and within his dysfunctional family and marriage. He had been
particularly interested in the interaction between the different members of
whichever group he was involved in. He was acutely aware not only of his own
role within each group, but he also gained increasing awareness of the
transferential and counter-transferential issues between members of the group.
And having been abused between the ages of 5 and 11, he naturally had a deep
interest in psychosexual matters.
Brian was particularly adept at sorting out what was ‘his stuff’ or ‘the
other person’s stuff’ in encounters he had, both in and out of the therapy
room. He has a significant level of awareness of his own ‘stuff’ and, as a peer
was later to point out, was emotionally intelligent enough to differentiate
‘his stuff’ from the ‘other person’s stuff’ in most encounters. This ability
had been honed through years of management, years of reading about psychology
and years of attending psychology and philosophy talks at Inner Space in London. His counselling supervisor, Clare
Manifold, was impressed with the level of
awareness that Brian had around these concepts, writing in his end-of-year
report that he “...is able to perceive transferential issues...”
She also wrote that he “...is open to self-exploration, uses his journal
well and is happy to look at issues raised in our sessions. [...] he is open to
both give, which he does with sensitivity, and receive. [...] He is willing and
interested in examining the cultural heritage (of people he encounters). [...]
His strengths are good boundaries, evident intelligence and a serious
commitment to the work. He forms trusting relationships, gives insightful
feedback and is a generous contributor...”
Whilst engaging with this person online, Brian Pead was fully aware of
his own feelings in the process and did not merely focus on the conversation
itself.
He felt that this was an adult, and an adult male. He felt that this was
a middle-aged male. And he felt that this adult had an interest in paedophilia.
He had gleaned all this from the first conversation online on 28 January 2008.
As a result of these feelings – which he committed to his personal
learning journal which he had to complete as part of his Advanced Diploma
counselling course – he decided to make notes and keep a watching brief. If it
did, indeed, turn out to be a sex offender, he would report this person to the
management of Faceparty.com.
Thus, by the time the first online conversation had concluded, Brian had
gathered information that the ‘girl’ was using a particularly strange form of
shorthand when typing, that ‘she’ used a form of vocabulary not usually
associated with a fourteen-year-old and that he had intuited that the person
was a middle-aged adult with paedophilic tendencies.
He had also read a good deal about the work of Dr John Olsson, a linguist, and founder of a
world-renowned forensic linguistics consultancy. Olsson is a world-leading
expert in forensic linguistics, a science where linguistics techniques are
applied to legal processes to solve cases and provide new angles on evidence.
With kind permission from Dr Olsson, we have reproduced the introduction
from his book Word Crime (Continuum,
2009):
“...What
is forensic linguistics? If you have gotten this far, it is a question you may
have some answers to already. On the other hand, forensic linguistics might be
a subject that you have heard nothing on, but want to know more about.
My name is
John Olsson, and for the past 15 years I have been (and still am) the world’s
only full-time forensic linguist. This book concerns my work, and is designed
in part to illustrate how forensic linguistics can solve crime. Before I move
onto this though, I would like to go over some background information. Let me
detail in brief how the science of forensic linguistics came into being.
In 1968 a
Swedish linguist working at the University of London heard about a case which
had occurred a number of years previously. It concerned the murder of several
women and a baby at an infamous London address, 10 Rillington Place, Kensington. Rillington Place became
so notorious that the authorities were eventually forced to change its name to
Ruston Close at the request of the people who lived there. However, the bad
associations remained and eventually the local council demolished the entire
street and a new development of houses was constructed there in the 1970s.
The
ground-floor tenant of 10 Rillington Place was one John Christie, a quiet perhaps even shy man,
apparently contentedly married. Above him lived Timothy Evans and his wife Beryl and their baby daughter.
Evans disappeared from Rillington Place in 1949 and questions began to be asked
about the whereabouts of his wife and baby. In November of that year, Evans
handed himself into police in South Wales where he had been living with his
uncle at Merthyr Tydfil. Forensic linguistics comes into the story at this
point because Evans was supposed to have given several statements to the police
confessing to the crime. Evans was found guilty partly on the basis of the
statements and partly on the basis of evidence given by John Christie. Evans was hanged in 1950. Later
Christie’s wife disappeared and neighbours began asking questions about his odd
behaviour. After Christie moved out another tenant occupied his flat and, while
attempting to put up a shelf made a gruesome discovery: a partly clothed woman’s
body. When police arrived at the house they found evidence of several other
murders. Christie was eventually tracked down, charged, found guilty and later
hanged. Not long before he died he confessed to the murder of Evans’ wife and
‘probably’ of their baby. Despite urgent requests to investigate these claims
before Christie’s execution date the Home Secretary refused to halt the hanging
and Christie was put to death in July 1953. The crimes he had confessed to for
which Evans had been hanged continued to be attributed to Evans for over a
decade until journalist Ludovic Kennedy became interested in the case in the 1960s and
the statements also drew the attention of a Swedish professor working at the
University of London, Jan Svartvik examined the statements and concluded that
they contained not one but several styles of language, most of which were
written in what is known as ‘policeman’s register’. Svartvik’s analysis and the
unwavering campaign by Kennedy caused the Home Secretary to reverse the
conviction and Evans was posthumously pardoned. This was probably the first
murder appeal in the world in which linguistics played a prominent part. Because
Svartvik used the term ‘forensic linguistics’ in his report on the statements
he is credited with being the ‘father’ of the discipline.
In the
1990s the case of Derek Bentley drew the attention of linguists at Birmingham
University where I was doing postgraduate research in
linguistics. Several anomalies appeared in the statement Bentley is supposed to
have dictated to police officers after the shooting of Police Constable Sidney
Miles at a burglary in South London by Bentley’s
co-burglar, Chris Craig. A number of other previously
accepted confessions now fell under suspicion and one after another several
convictions were quashed, largely on the basis of evidence provided by ESDA
trace, an electrostatic procedure which has
certain elements in common with photocopying and reveals indentations from
other sheets if several sheets were placed on top of each other in the course
of writing.
In 1994 I
founded the Forensic Linguistics Institute in the United Kingdom which has since become
one of the leading linguistics laboratories in the world. Along with my
colleagues I examine texts of all types for authorship, authenticity,
interpretation of meaning, disputed language and other forensic processes. An
early case involved the analysis of an alleged terrorist’s statement to police
at Paddington Green Police Station in the mid-1980s. Since that time I have
handled nearly 300 forensic linguistics investigations. These have ranged from
examining the language of suicide letters for genuineness, assessing threat in
extortion demands, evaluating police interview tapes for alleged oppressive
interviewing (a rare occurrence these days), and the authorship identification
of many hundreds of letters, emails and mobile phone texts in a range of
inquiries from murder to extortion to witness intimidation, sexual assault and
internet child pornography. I get commissioned by police forces, solicitors,
international companies and organizations, and even private clients who have
received hate mail from someone who might live just down the road or even next
door.
In an
early case I was asked by the president of a dog club in the mid-west of the
United States to see whether a spate of hate mail letters the club had received
came from one of their own members. The most likely author turned out to be an
elderly mild-mannered lady who had devotedly carried out the club’s
administrative affairs for many years, but who had been disappointed by the
failure of one of her pets to win a prize at the club’s annual dog show. It may
come as something of a surprise, but hate mail also occurs within families: in
one case a disgruntled woman had become infuriated at the success of her
younger brother in his hotel business and wrote a spate of poison letters to
the local chamber of commerce not only denigrating his efforts but insulting
his wife, accusing him of nazism and claiming that the hotel often hosted white
supremacist weekends. In another case a teenage girl grew jealous of her
sister’s impending marriage and tried to poison her against the bridegroom. On
the other hand, not all hate mail is from family members: I recently had to
attempt an identification in which a middle-aged male, having been sexually
rebuffed by a teenage boy, then wrote to the boy’s parents accusing their son
of being a child molester. The boy’s father - perhaps as a result of this
accusation against what he perceived to be his family’s honour - then committed
suicide.
However,
there is something you the reader should know, in case you are ever the victim
of hate mail, or in case you receive hate mail which denigrates a friend,
relative or colleague: in every hate mail case I have dealt with the accusation
has turned out to be pure malice - a complete invention. Yet these inventions
are capable of wrecking lives, as I have seen all too often. A businessman of
my acquaintance received several such letters and it nearly destroyed him, even
though he - and everyone around him - knew that the accusations contained in
those letters were completely false. It was only through strong family support
that he was eventually able to recover. The perpetrator of this terrible crime
- and you only have to see the effect on people’s lives to realize how serious
a crime it is - has never been found.
Nor should
anyone imagine, as per those dark 1940s and 1950s films, that all hate mail
writers are women. Far from it: rancour and spite know no gender boundaries, no
age limits and no social divisions. I have seen hate mail from young teenagers,
old aristocrats and middle-aged artisans, from highly successful executives,
doctors, and respectable grandparents. The internet has enabled the genre to
flourish: anybody can access a free email address under a pseudonym and post
the vilest slander about another person on public forums or communicate it
privately in emails. However, despite the advent of technology, the Royal Mail
and other postal services around the world still deliver thousands of
traditionally written paper missives every day, each designed to destroy a
happy life, wreck a worthy reputation or sow the seeds of hatred between
formerly devoted couples or other family members. The motive is not always
hatred either: it is often a combination of boredom and a failure to foresee
the inevitable devastation which can occur.
Fortunately,
forensic linguistics is not all hate mail cases. Every day brings a unique
inquiry: the father who wants to know if the letter he has received from his
daughter is really in her style, the mother who is concerned her teenager’s
writing is becoming influenced by ‘gang speak’, the insurance company trying to
identify a fraudster’s voice from among several possible clients, the police
detective trying to interpret a coded letter from a prisoner to an accomplice,
the prisoner who claims innocence, the solicitor working on an appeal for her
client, the employee who feels his bosses are trying to frame him by saying he
wrote an anonymous email - the list is seemingly endless.
In the 15
years I have been doing this work I have analysed literally thousands of texts
by hundreds of different writers implicated in scores of types of crime. In
that time forensic linguistics has grown from being a marginal discipline which
only a few people were passionate about to an internationally recognized
practice which can be of real service to law enforcement and the legal
profession.
In this
book I will show you the details of some of the many cases I have been privileged
to work on. Wherever possible I have avoided identifying victims, where they
live or what their occupations are or were. This has sometimes also meant that
I could not identify the perpetrators of some of these crimes either.
Unfortunately, some cases are well-known to the public and could not be
anonymized, and the reader who follows the daily news will recognize these
cases quite easily. Some cases are too recent to write about, but I hope to be
able to do so in years to come when memories of certain crimes and events are
no longer fresh in the public memory.
I hope
that this book, which tells the stories of many lives, mostly of ordinary
people often faced with extraordinary circumstances through no choice of their
own, will show you the power of language analysis in the solving of crime. In
telling you about these lives in a simple narrative format I have tried to do
so in a straightforward, down-to-earth way. My aim is not primarily to tell a
‘good story’, but to illustrate how interesting and complex language is, and
how powerful a resource it can be when it enters the arena of the law. If the
stories are worth reading I hope this will not be seen as in any way lessening
the importance or the tragedy of the events they seek to describe. I am always conscious
of the fact that the work is about people above all, and not just language, and
I have found this to be both a privilege and a responsibility over the years.
Forensic
linguistics began life as an instrument to correct miscarriages of justice. It now
plays an active day-to-day role in our courts. The common law system which has
evolved in England, Wales, Scotland and Ireland in the last millennium should
be treasured by all who live in these islands, despite its undoubted errors
over the years. This is why forensic science is so important. In an age when
the erosion of civil rights and liberties has once again become a topic to
rouse the passions, and rightly so, forensic science stands as one of the
guardians of justice and liberty. From small beginnings just 40 years ago,
forensic linguistics is now an important, and I believe, permanent component in
this process...”
The eminent forensic scientist Dr John Olsson describes forensic linguistics as being one of
the guardians of justice and liberty. Since he was passionate about psychology
and linguistics and had been all his life, Brian Pead was aware of Olsson’s
work. For this reason, he instructed his barrister, Dominic Bell, then of Charter Chambers, 21 John Street, London, to call Dr Olsson as a witness for
the defence. Bell refused. There was no valid reason for such a
refusal. In fact, the refusal itself flouted several legal principles.
Firstly, if a client makes such a legitimate request, as Brian did here,
a barrister has to comply with that
request. Bell, therefore, is guilty of failing to
act upon his client’s clear and specific instructions.
Secondly, it is a defendant’s duty to put forward as cogent and as
powerful a defence to an allegation as possible. Rule 22.4 of the Criminal
Procedure Rules states:
“...Under section 6A of the Criminal Procedure and Investigations Act
1996, you must:
(a) set out the nature of your defence, including any particular
defences on which you intend to rely;
(b) indicate the matters of fact on which you take issue with the
prosecutor, and in respect of each explain why;
(c) set out particulars of the matters of fact on which you intend to
rely for the purposes of your defence;
(d) indicate any point of law that you wish to take, including any point
about the admissibility of evidence or about abuse of process, and any
authority relied on;
and
(e) if your defence statement includes an alibi (i.e. an assertion that
you were in a place, at a time, inconsistent with you having committed the
offence), give particulars, including –
(i) the name, address and date of birth of any witness who you believe
can
give evidence in support of that alibi,
(ii) if you do not know all of those details, any information that might
help identify or find that witness...”
There was no legitimate reason for not calling the expert witness. In
his book The Art of Persuasion, Sir
David Napley writes:
“...In legal aid cases you [the barrister] may
be uncertain whether the expense of obtaining expert opinion or calling expert
witnesses will be allowed by the Taxing officer or the Legal Aid Area
Committee, and, if allowed, at the amount which the expert will require as his
fee. You can obtain guidance in advance from the Chief Clerk of the Crown Court
in respect of trials on indictment, or from the Area Secretary in magistrates’
court cases. It is important, however, not to allow these gentlemen, who are
uniformly helpful, to usurp your function. You are in control of your own case
and have the sole responsibility for conducting it, and even if, exceptionally,
they are unwilling to authorise an expert you may feel constrained to take the
risk, and hope to justify your decision later. In most cases, however, no
difficulty of this sort is likely to arise...”
It is evident that calling expert witnesses is a run-of-the-mill
exercise in most cases. Yet Bell refused to take instructions from his client.
Apart from being a breach of the code of conduct that barristers are required
to uphold, Bell’s refusal was also a breach
of the Criminal Procedure Rules, or CPR.
The CPR are, in effect, a handbook for conducting a criminal trial and
set down the procedure that all parties in a criminal trial are supposed to
adhere to. Each component part of a trial has a number of rules that must be
followed if a trial is to be fair. The elements of a trial include, for
example, disclosure, witness statements, evidence and expert witnesses. The
rules are numbered and consisted (in 2005) of some 211 pages.
The Criminal Procedure Rules 2005 were finalised on 18 February 2005, laid
before Parliament on 4 March 2005 and came into force on 4 April 2005. It was
this set of rules that was in effect at the time of Brian Pead’s trial in
December 2009.
Expert evidence is dealt with by Part 33 of the CPR. However, there
were no rules in this Part of the 2005 rules and the obligation to disclose
expert evidence was referred to in Part 24.
Rule 24.1 imposes an obligation upon either party in a criminal trial
– where the Defendant has issued a plea of ‘Not Guilty’ - to adduce expert
evidence (whether of fact or opinion) in the proceedings as soon as
practicable.
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